The firing of FBI director James Comey by president Trump
on 9th May unleashed a cacophony of foul play claims
redolent of the Watergate scandal that forced Richard Nixon to resign in 1974,
almost 19 months after he was sworn in to his second term. The combination of possible obstruction of justice, hidden tapes and
veiled threats in the Comey firing makes the comparison to Watergate
compelling.
But all that has been overtaken by what has happened within
a week of Comey’s firing. We learned from Washington Post on 15th
May that Trump disclosed highly classified information to Russian foreign
minister Sergei Lavrov and Russian ambassador Sergei Kislyak in the Oval Office
a day after he let Comey go.
Then, on 16th May (today), New York
Times reported that during their February 14th meeting at the
White House, Trump asked Comey to drop the Michael Flynn inquiry about possible
Russian collusion in the presidential election last year. “He is a good guy,” Trump
said of Flynn. "I hope you can let this go."
The president was alone with the FBI Director after he asked attorney
General Sessions and VP Pence to leave the room.
John McCain, the senior Republican Senator from Arizona,
said about the two latest bombshells: “Trump scandals are reaching Watergate
size and scale.”
Talk of impeachment is in the air, along with the demand
that Republican lawmakers show some spine and put country above party. America
is at a crossroads because the 45th president, by all indications,
has engaged in obstruction of justice, an impeachable offense.
The moment of
truth is here. There is no turning back.
A comparison with Watergate and the current Congress
offers perspective.
In the 93rd Congress (1973-1975) during
Nixon’s second term, Democrats held both the Houses, with 242 Democrats to 193
Republicans in Congress, and 56 Democrats to 44 Republicans in the Senate. The
House Judiciary Committee consisted of 38 members, 21 Democrats to 17
Republicans. By law, a simple majority is required for each article of a
resolution to pass, including impeachment.
Six Republican Congressmen switched sides to join all 21
Democrats in the judiciary committee to recommend that Nixon be impeached
through a Senate trial. The article of impeachment was adopted 27 to 11 in that historic
vote, although Nixon quit before suffering through the ignominy.
In the 115th Congress (2017-2018), the
numbers have flipped. There are 238 Republicans to 193 Democrats (with 4
vacancies) in Congress and 52 Republicans to 46 Democrats, with 2 Independents,
in the Senate. The current House Judiciary Committee comprises 23 Republicans
and 17 Democrats.
What is the possibility that history will repeat itself in
2017 or 2018?
The twin bombshells - Trump spilling secrets to the Russians and asking Comey to drop the Flynn investigation - have changed the equation for the president. The combination of arrogance and ignorance, the 'damn care' attitude that has endeared him to his blind supporters, the impunity with which he flouts decency and the Rule of Law, has exceeded all bounds. The 'i' word is being sued more and more, and not just by Democrats like Maxine Waters of California, for whom the case for impeachment is clear as daylight.
The twin bombshells - Trump spilling secrets to the Russians and asking Comey to drop the Flynn investigation - have changed the equation for the president. The combination of arrogance and ignorance, the 'damn care' attitude that has endeared him to his blind supporters, the impunity with which he flouts decency and the Rule of Law, has exceeded all bounds. The 'i' word is being sued more and more, and not just by Democrats like Maxine Waters of California, for whom the case for impeachment is clear as daylight.
Will the democrats have to wait until the midterm
elections in 2018 to gain seats in the House to turn the tide?
Not after the twin shockers. The ancient saying, “The wheels of justice grind slowly but
exceedingly fine,” needs updating. When the damn breaks, there is nothing slow
about it.
A national character test is upon us.
We like to believe that in America no one is above the
law. To underscore our faith in that guiding principle, we add, “including the
president of the United States.” It implies that if or when the moment of truth
arrives, our lawmakers will put country before party.
Is this still true 241 years after the founding of our
nation?
Consider what made some Republicans switch party
allegiance during the Watergate hearings.
Caldwell Butler of Virginia explained it this way: “If we
fail to impeach, we will have condoned and left unpunished a course of conduct
totally inconsistent with the reasonable expectations of the American people …”
Lawrence Hogan, from Maryland and a former FBI agent,
reasoned thus: “Richard M. Nixon has, beyond a reasonable doubt, committed
impeachable offenses in an extended and extensive conspiracy to obstruct
justice … The evidence convinces me that my President has lied repeatedly,
deceiving public officials and the American people. Instead of cooperating with
prosecutors and investigators … he concealed and covered up evidence.”
But it was Peter Rodino, the Democratic New Jersey
Congressman and chairman of the House Judiciary Committee, who summed it up
best for the nation: “I have been guided by the principle that the law must
deal fairly with every man. For me this is the oldest principle of democracy. It
is this simple but great principle which enables man to live justly and in
decency in a free society … Our judgment is not concerned with an individual
but with a system of constitutional government … Let us leave the constitution
as unimpaired for our children as our predecessors left it to us.”
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